When Maydul Hassan was first mugged, he thought he had hit rock bottom. But within a week, the 21-year-old student was battered and robbed again – this time, in front of the police, who, according to Hassan, stood by and did nothing.
Hassan, who participated in last year’s student-led uprising that helped unseat longtime Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, now wonders what the nation he risked his life for has turned into. “This is what I got in return,” he said. “The nation is drowning in crime, no one seems to care.”
On February 13, a group of men ambushed him at about 10pm, while he was returning home from his part-time job at a tech firm in the capital’s Mirpur area. The attackers took his Pixel 4XL phone, wallet, university ID and headphones.
Days later, on February 18, he was beaten and robbed. The assailants snatched the new Google Pixel 7 phone he had just bought on a $400 loan, then mocked him as he pleaded with them to return it.
The police were stationed only metres away, Hassan said. “I cried, I begged, but the police did nothing.”
When Hassan later attempted to file a complaint at the nearby police station, a local man claiming to be a member of Jatiotabadi Chhatra Dal, the student wing of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), one of the main opposition parties that has gained influence since Hasina’s ouster, intervened. “You don’t need to file this. I’ll find your phone,” the man assured him, escorting him outside – and then demanded money in return.
Desperate, Hassan withdrew and handed over 3,500 Bangladeshi taka ($29) from a nearby ATM. He soon realised he had been tricked. The man, he later discovered, had also been part of Hasina’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) – an all-too-common case of political opportunism where members of fallen parties shift loyalties overnight to align with those in power.
Hassan eventually filed a complaint online, a copy of which he showed to Al Jazeera, but no police action has followed.
“I live in a country where, even as a victim, I am harassed inside a police station. Criminals walk freely, flexing their power in front of officers, and the police do nothing. I begged in front of them, and all they did was watch,” Hassan wrote in a Facebook post that went viral overnight.
Ali Ahmed Masud, the chief of Dhanmondi Police Station, where Hassan had gone, insisted that no one was obstructed from lodging a complaint. “From my understanding, there may have been an agreement that the phone would be returned, which is why he initially chose not to file a General Diary [police complaint],” Masud said.
“But later, when he did file one, we are actively working to recover the phone and take actions against the muggers.”
However, Masud did not comment on the allegation that police officers stood by without intervening while Hassan was being attacked. “It hasn’t come to my knowledge yet. I’ll look into it,” Masud said.
Safety on edge
Hassan’s ordeal is not an isolated case. Bangladesh, home to 170 million people, is experiencing its worst crime wave in years. Since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, the streets have grown increasingly perilous. In January 2025 alone, police reported 242 cases of mugging and robbery – the highest number in six years – across Bangladesh.
At least 294 murders were recorded in January 2025, compared with 231 in the same month the previous year. Robberies surged from 114 to 171, and abductions more than doubled. Police data also show a sharp rise in muggings, robberies and abductions in November and December last year, surpassing figures from the same period over the previous five years.
“The figures are alarming,” said Najmus Sakib, a criminology assistant professor at Dhaka University. “People fought for democracy, but now they are afraid to step outside their homes. That doesn’t give a positive sign about the state of our law enforcement.”
However, retired Lieutenant General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, who is in charge of Bangladesh’s Ministry of Home Affairs, retired Lieutenant General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, has dismissed these concerns, claiming that the government is appropriately dealing with the increasing crime rate.
“You will feel tonight that our law enforcement activities have increased significantly,” Chowdhury told reporters during an emergency news conference at 3am on February 24 – hours after a wave of muggings in different parts of Dhaka sparked panic among residents.
‘Never seen such a bad situation’
In one incident, Anwar Hossain, a jeweller, was attacked outside his home while carrying gold worth approximately 28,100,000 taka ($232,000) in cash. Six men on motorcycles tried to snatch his bag. When he resisted, they shot him and fled. With gunshot wounds in both legs, Hossein is now undergoing treatment at Dhaka Medical College Hospital.
The incident, captured on video, went viral and sparked outrage and protests across Dhaka, with demonstrators demanding Chowdhury’s resignation. Between February 1 and February 26, dozens of violent crimes – including murder, rape, robbery and extortion – nationwide were reported in local media, with gruesome videos and firsthand accounts from victims circulated widely on social media.
“There was theft and snatching before, but now, it is out of limit,” said Rahmat Ullah, a rickshaw driver in his 50s. He added that he had “never seen such a bad situation” in more than 17 years of work. His passengers have been victims of attacks too, Ullah said.
“I used to save up the money I earned over 15 to 20 days and send it home through a bank. Now, whatever I earn each day, I send back home immediately [via a mobile financial service].”
Despite this, the government has been hesitant to acknowledge the crisis. Asif Nazrul, the adviser for the Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs ministry, conceded government shortcomings, but insisted that the interim administration under Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus was doing all it could.
“Sometimes, the situation was good, sometimes extremely bad,” Nazrul said. “But we are making relentless efforts to control the situation.”
For many Bangladeshis, these assurances ring hollow.
Protests have erupted across university campuses, led by several student groups, especially after a wave of reported rapes across the country – of which Al Jazeera could independently verify at least 10. The protesters have demanded the immediate resignation of the Home Affairs adviser and urgent action to tackle the deteriorating law and order situation.
“My parents worry every time I step outside, and this is the reality for all women like me. We just want to hustle through our daily life not being raped or hijacked and make it home safely without any fear,” said Eti Akter, one of the protesters, told Al Jazeera. “Life now feels more unsafe than ever.”
Such insecurity was previously associated with the “thugs” of the Chhatra League, the student wing of Hasina’s Awami League, said Tanvir Rifat, another protester. Now, the Awami League is gone, but the crime has only grown.
“This is not the Bangladesh we hoped to see after the mass uprising. It feels like everything could be snatched away at any moment,” Rifat said. He compared “the streets of Dhaka” with Gotham, the fictional, crime-riddled metropolis from the DC universe. “But, sadly, we don’t have a Batman.”
Tawohidul Haque, a crime analyst and associate professor at Dhaka University’s Institute of Social Welfare and Research, told Al Jazeera that one of the key indicators of an improving crime situation is whether people feel safe at home, outside and while commuting.”People now do not feel safe any more,” he said.
Farisa Nusrat, a Dhaka University student, said she avoids staying out late. “My parents don’t allow it any more. Even if I stay, they keep calling me,” she said.
Many private university students from different institutions are now demanding online classes during Ramadan, citing safety concerns.
Government struggles
On February 8, the government launched Operation Devil Hunt, a joint military and police crackdown that was meant to tackle the rising crime wave. But while more than 9,000 arrests have been made, violent crime continues unabated.
Mubashar Hasan, a political analyst, believes the interim government is struggling to maintain order. “Unlike an elected government with a unified chain of command, the current administration consists of figures from different backgrounds with competing priorities,” he told Al Jazeera.
“While there is no lack of intention to curb crime, their capacity to do so remains limited.”
After Chowdhury’s, the Home Affairs adviser, February 24 news conference, police arrested 248 people allegedly involved in various criminal activities in different parts of Dhaka, within 24 hours.
But “arrests mean nothing if we don’t feel safe on the streets,” Hassan, the 21-year-old student, said.
As fear spreads, some citizens have taken security into their own hands. In multiple neighbourhoods, locals have formed self-defence patrols, armed with sticks and batons to fend off muggers. In one shocking case, two men suspected of mugging were beaten and hung upside down from a Dhaka footbridge by an angry crowd on February 25. That same night, another suspected mugger was beaten to death.
“This is what happens when people lose faith in law enforcement – they resort to vigilante justice,” said Tawohidul Haque, an associate professor at Dhaka University’s Institute of Social Welfare and Research.
In January alone, 16 people were killed in mob violence nationwide, according to the rights body Ain O Salish Kendra.
Experts attribute the surge in crime to the political turmoil following Hasina’s removal.
“A sudden power shift creates unrest and a power vacuum – an environment where lawbreakers thrive,” said criminology assistant professor Sakib. “Criminals saw this instability as an opportunity, which is why crime has peaked.”
Sakib also pointed out that Bangladesh Police, the primary law enforcement agency, are struggling to regain public trust. “During the deadly protest against Hasina, police were widely accused of human rights violations and were seen as an adversary of the people. This loss of ‘moral authority’ has weakened their ability to function effectively.”
Since Hasina’s August removal, the Yunus government has moved out the heads of each of Bangladesh’s 50 police stations for allegedly being close to Hasina’s party.
“New officers aren’t familiar with their assigned areas. They lack informants and haven’t had time to develop a comprehensive crime-fighting strategy,” Sakib said. All of this, he added, “has created a vacuum that criminals are exploiting”.
Another driving force behind the crime wave is the release on bail of convicted criminals – some of whom were once listed as “top terror” figures – after the political transition, a senior Dhaka Metropolitan Police officer said.
“We have reports that many of these individuals have returned to crime, reviving old extortion rackets and gang operations,” the officer said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We plan to appeal for bail cancellations, but the issue is that many of these criminals were bailed through the influence of politicians who now hold power.”
Sakid said: “Mass bail for convicted criminals was done so rapidly, and it spreads a negative message to the people in society. Though this is a judicial matter, the sheer speed at which terror-listed figures have been freed is alarming. Public safety should have been carefully assessed before allowing these individuals back onto the streets.”
Weapons looted during political uprisings have also found their way into criminal hands, fulling a rise in armed muggings. Videos of masked gangs wielding weapons have spread fear across social media.
Hasan, the political analyst, argues that a democratically elected government would be far more effective in restoring law and order.
“A political government elected by the people will have much more strength and legitimacy,” he said.
The interim government has yet to announce a concrete timeline for elections. However, Yunus’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, told the media on February 24 that polls could take place at the latest by March 2026.
But for many young Bangladeshis, every day without a sense of security feels like a betrayal.
“We took to the streets last year for a safer Bangladesh where the standard of living will be ensured by the state, and now we are at the mercy of criminals, perhaps patronised by the politicians who will rule the country in the near future,” Rifat, the protester, said.
“What was the point?”
