Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo – Shortly before noon on a Thursday in June 1960, 34-year-old Patrice Lumumba stepped up to the podium at the Palace of the Nation in Leopoldville (current-day Kinshasa) with a dream to unite his newly liberated country.
Standing before dignitaries and politicians, including King Baudouin of Belgium from which the then-Republic of the Congo had just won its independence, the first-ever prime minister gave a rousing, somewhat unexpected speech that ruffled feathers among the Europeans.
“No Congolese worthy of the name will ever be able to forget that it was by fighting that [our independence] has been won,” Lumumba said.
“Slavery was imposed on us by force,” he continued, while the king looked on in shock. “We remember the blows that we had to submit to morning, noon and night because we were ‘negroes’.”
With independence, the country’s future was finally in the hands of his own people, he proclaimed. “We shall show the world what the Black man can do when working in liberty, and we shall make the Congo the pride of Africa.”
But this was a promise left unfulfilled, as just six months later the young leader was dead.
For years murkiness surrounded the details of his killing, but it is now known that armed Congolese men murdered Lumumba on January 17, 1961, aided by the Belgians and with the tacit approval of the United States.
Sixty-four years on, Lumumba remains a symbol of African resistance, while many Congolese still carry the burden of his aborted legacy – whether they favoured his ideas or not.
‘His death distressed me’
“When I learned of Lumumba’s death, I was shocked,” said 85-year-old Kasereka Lukombola, who lives in the Virunga quarter of Goma, in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.
His gold-coloured Western-style house, unusual in this region, was built during colonial times and is a reminder of the vestiges of nearly 80 years of Belgian rule.
Lukombola was born during World War II, he said. “At that time, a Black man in Africa could not oppose the white settlers for certain reasons, including the colour of his skin and the fact that he was enslaved. Those who dared to challenge the whites were either imprisoned, beaten up or killed.”
He was 20 when Lumumba was killed. Though it took weeks for news of his death to emerge, Lukombola remembers that night as being one of the “darkest” he has ever known.
“I remember being in my village in Bingi [when I heard the news]. I regretted it, his death had distressed me. On that date, I didn’t eat, I had insomnia,” he said, adding that he still remembers it as if it were yesterday.
Lukombola accuses the Wazungu (a term meaning “foreigners”, but generally used for Belgian colonists) of having been behind the assassination.
“The Belgians were racially segregating the Congo, and Lumumba outcried against this. He encouraged us to fight tooth and nail to get rid of the colonisers,” he said.
“He had discovered certain plots by the colonists against us, the Congolese people. They wanted to enslave us forever. That’s when the Belgians developed a hatred against him, which led to his assassination.”
Lukombola believes that if Lumumba hadn’t been killed, he would have transformed the country into a veritable “El Dorado” for millions of Congolese, based on the vision he had for his people and the continent as a whole.
Tumsifu Akram, a Congolese researcher based in Goma, believes Lumumba was killed on the orders of certain Western powers who wanted to keep hold of Congo’s natural wealth.
“The decision to eliminate the first Congolese prime minister was taken by American and other officials at the highest level,” he told Al Jazeera.
Though Lumumba had friends both inside and outside the country, “as numerous as they were, his friends were not so determined to save him as his enemies were determined and organised to finish him off,” Akram said. “His friends supported him more in words than in deeds.”
Only a tooth remained
Just days after Lumumba delivered his June 30, 1960 Independence Day speech, the country began to fall into chaos. There was an armed mutiny, and then the secession of the mineral-rich province of Katanga in July. Belgium sent troops to Katanga. Congo then asked the United Nations for help, and although they sent peacekeepers, they did not deploy them to Katanga. So Lumumba reached out to the Soviet Union for assistance – a move that alarmed Belgium and the US.
In September, President Joseph Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba from government, something he ignored. Soon after, a military coup led by Congolese Colonel Joseph Mobutu (later known as dictator Mobutu Sese Seko) fully removed him from power. Lumumba was placed under house arrest, from which he escaped, only to be captured by Mobutu’s forces in December.
On January 17, 1961, Lumumba and two associates, Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo, were then taken to Katanga by plane – soldiers beat and tortured them on the flight and at their destination.
Later that day, all three were executed by a Katangan firing squad, under Belgian supervision.
Their bodies were at first thrown into shallow graves, but later dug up, hacked into pieces, and the remains dissolved in acid.
In the end, only one tooth of Lumumba’s remained, which was stolen by a Belgian policeman and only returned to Lumumba’s relatives in 2022.
In the years since the killing, Belgium has acknowledged that it was “morally responsible for circumstances leading to the death”. Meanwhile, information has also come to light exposing the US CIA’s involvement in a plot to kill Lumumba.
A ‘big mistake’?
At his home in Goma, Lukombola recounted all the “firsts” he’s lived through during his country’s complicated history, including taking part in the first municipal election of 1957 – in which he voted for Lumumba’s Congolese National Movement (MNC) party “because I was convinced it had a great vision for our country. It was out of a sense of pride,” he said.
He recounted being around during the riots of January 4, 1959; the proclamation of the Congo’s independence on June 30, 1960; the secession of Katanga and South Kasai between July and August 1960; and the joys of Zaire’s economic and political pinnacle in the mid-1960s.
Having lived through the reign of all five Congolese presidents, Lukombola understands the “enigma” that is the DRC and has seen how much it can change.
His only regret, he said, is that many historic events occurred after Lumumba had passed on. “If he were alive, he would restore us to glory and greatness.”
However, not everyone looks at Lumumba’s legacy with such awe and kindness.
Grace Bahati, a 45-year-old father of five, believes Lumumba is at the root of some of the misfortunes that have befallen the DRC and that the country continues to grapple with.
According to him, the first prime minister was too quick in wanting immediate independence for the Congo, while the country lacked sufficient intelligentsia to be able to lead it after the departure of the Belgians.
“Lumumba was in a hurry to ask for independence. I found that many of our leaders were not prepared to lead this country, and that’s unfortunate,” Bahati told Al Jazeera. “In my opinion, it was a big mistake on Lumumba’s part.”
Dany Kayeye, a historian in Goma, does not share this view. He believes Lumumba saw from afar that independence was the only solution, given that the Belgians had been exploiting the country for nearly 80 years and it was the Congolese who were suffering.
“Lumumba was not the first to demand the country’s immediate independence. The first to do so were the soldiers who had come from the second world war, having fought alongside the colonists,” Kayeye also noted.
But it was after Lumumba’s supposed “radicalisation” – when he was seen to be forging ties with the Soviet Union – that he found himself in Western crosshairs as they considered him as a threat to their interests during the crucial Cold War period, the historian said. Congolese like Mobutu Sese-Seko were then used in the manoeuvres against him.
“For a long time, the Congo had been envied because of its natural resources. The Belgians didn’t want to leave the country, and the only way to continue exploiting it was to anarchise it and kill its nationalists,” Kayeye explained. “It was in this context that Lumumba, his friends Maurice Mpolo, then president of the Senate, and Joseph Okito, then minister of youth, died together.”
‘He fought for justice’
Jean Jacques Lumumba is Patrice Lumumba’s nephew and an activist committed to the fight against corruption in the country.
The 38-year-old grew up in Kinshasa, raised by Lumumba’s mother and younger brother, but was forced into exile in 2016 for calling out corruption in the entourage of former Congolese president Joseph Kabila.
For him, his uncle remains a symbol of a fair and better Congo, and someone he draws inspiration from in his own activism.
“In my family, they tell me he was an atypical personality. He was quite frank and direct. He had a sense of honour and the search for truth from an early age right up to his political struggle,” Jean Jacques told Al Jazeera.
“He fought for justice and fairness. He himself refused corruption,” he added, calling corruption “one of the evils that characterise developing countries”.
“[Patrice Lumumba] wanted wellbeing and development … This is inspiring in the fight I continue to wage, for the emergence of the African continent.”
Jean Jacques feels Lumumba no longer belongs just to the DRC and Africa, but to all those who desire freedom and dignity around the world.
Although he never met his uncle, he is pleased that his memory and legacy continue to live on.
And although he came to a tragic and devastating end, for Jean Jacques, Lumumba’s demise is also something that has immortalised his name and the battles he waged.
African leaders should honour the memory of people like him and others who paid with their lives to build a “developed, radiant and prosperous Africa, ready to assert itself in the concert of nations”, the younger Lumumba said.
Lumumba’s ‘eternal’ legacy
More than six decades after Lumumba was killed, the DRC is in the midst of multiple crises – from armed rebellions to resource extraction and poverty.
Although it is a country of immense natural wealth, it has not found its way to the majority of Congolese people – something many in the country attribute to the continued exploitation by internal and external forces.
Daniel Makasi, a resident of Goma, believes that the colonialism Lumumba was so determined to fight, is still going strong – though it manifests in different ways today.
“Today, there are several forms of colonisation that continue through the multinationals that exploit resources in the DRC and that do not benefit ordinary citizens,” he told Al Jazeera.
He added that Africans need to channel the spirit of Lumumba to stop such neo-colonialism as far as possible, so they can enjoy the fullness of their natural wealth.
Lumumba was able to transform the country in a short space of time, making Congolese “prouder”, and that makes him “eternal”, Makasi said, urging people to follow his example.
Others also agree that future generations owe Lumumba an “immeasurable” debt for what he started.
“For me, Patrice Emery Lumumba is a symbol of resistance to imperialist forces,” said Moise Komayombi, another Goma resident, remembering the June 1960 Independence Day address that the Belgians considered a “vicious attack” but that inspires many Africans to this day.
“He inspired us to remain nationalists and protect our homeland against all forms of colonisation,” Komayombi said, reminding himself that Lumumba’s work is still not done.
